This entry continues my analysis of the Trial Guide for Divorce Cases Involving Domestic Violence (涉及家庭暴力婚姻案件审理指南).
Introduction
The Trial Guide gives petitioners potentially significant advantages over the respondent in the fact-finding process. (Note: The Trial Guide uses the following terms interchangeably: petitioner, plaintiff and victim; respondent, defendant and abuser. For the sake of simplicity and clarity, I will use petitioner and respondent.) These advantages are apparently designed to overcome the difficulties that domestic violence victims often face in proving abuse. (For an in-depth discussion of these “evidentiary difficulties” (举证难) in the context of the divorce compensation system (离婚损害赔偿制度), see this article by Wu Ruqiao.) Indeed, the Trial Guide hints at such evidentiary difficulties when it points out that domestic violence generally happens in the home when no one other than the victim, abuser and (possibly) children are present. Chapter 4, Section 43.
Petitioner’s Basic Burden of Proof
The petitioner must prove that she has previously suffered domestic violence or is in immediate danger of domestic violence to obtain a protection order. Chapter 3, Section 32, Clause 4.) Domestic violence is defined as “conduct between family members, primarily between spouses, in which one party uses violence, threats, insults, economic control or other means to injure the bodily, sexual or spiritual rights of the other party in order to gain control over the other party.” Chapter 1, Section 2. While this definition of domestic violence incorporates non-physical abuse, the Trial Guide in its specific evidentiary provisions appears to emphasize physical abuse. (In China, non-physical abuse is often referred to as “cold domestic violence” (冷家庭暴力), invoking the distinction between “cold” and “hot” wars.) For example, the Trial Guide lists the following specific items as possible evidence of abuse: “photographs of injuries, police reports, testimony of witnesses, relevant records and evidence from social agencies (社会机构), written guarantees by the abuser*, threatening text messages from the abuser, and so on.” Chapter 3, Section 32. Two out of six of these examples (photographs of injuries and threatening text messages) exclusively refer to actual or threatened physical abuse. Nonetheless, the Trial Guide’s inclusion of non-physical abuse in its definition of domestic violence is remarkable for its expansiveness. In contrast, U.S. law generally limits the legal definition of abuse to actual and threatened physical harm.
(* The Trial Guide specifically discusses the evidentiary value of abusers’ verbal and written expressions of regret and guarantees to cease abusive conduct. Chapter 4, Section 42. It is unclear whether such guarantees are common in the China. In my work as a domestic violence attorney in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, a Chinese client proposed that the abuser sign a “no-abuse” guarantee in lieu of filing for a Protection From Abuse order. While “no-abuse” guarantees may not be legally enforceable, the victim may gain leverage over the abuser because the victim can threaten to use the guarantee as evidence of abuse in court.)
Shifting the Burden of Proof
As discussed above, the petitioner bears the initial burden of proof. The Trial Guide, however, recommends a “shifting burden of proof” (举证责任转移). Chapter 4, Section 40. If the petitioner provides evidence of injury and indicates that the defendant is responsible for such injury, the burden of proof shifts to the defendant. If the defendant denies responsibility for the injury but cannot provide opposing evidence (反证), the court may presume that the defendant abused the petitioner. Chapter 4, Section 40. This system in theory should make it easier for petitioner’s to show domestic violence. It is important to note, however, that the Trial Guide authorizes but does not require courts to presume (“may presume…”) that respondents abused the petitioner in the absence of opposing evidence.
Petitioners are more credible than respondents
The Trial Guide instructs courts to favor petitioners over respondents in making credibility determinations. Chapter 4, Section 41. According to the Trial Guide, petitioners are generally more credible than respondents because “very few people are willing to risk being mocked by fabricating facts that they were beaten and insulted by their spouses.” Id. American society also stigmatizes survivors of domestic violence. U.S. law, however, does not give petitioners an advantage over respondents in credibility determinations. The willingness of the Trial Guide’s authors to give such a credibility advantage to petitioners may reflect the relative severity of victim-stigmatization in China.